GEOPOLITICA Vol XIII n. 2/2024

For more than two decades, the international order has undergone successive disturbances. The 9/11 attacks, US invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, frequent Israeli wars on Gaza, wars between Russia and Georgia and Ukraine, global financial crisis, Arab uprisings, US-China trade war, and the Covid-19 Pandemic were the main milestones of the fluid contemporary global reality. Responding to that volatile international scene, States and international blocs have aimed at maximizing their benefits and minimizing the negative impacts of drastic changes. Nevertheless, the response of the European Union to the emerging challenges on its peripheries was less significant compared to the active (and even proactive) approaches of the United States, China, and Russia. Covered by the US nuclear umbrella for decades, most of the European allies in NATO relied on the so-called Pax Americana and did not develop an obvious comprehensive strategic approach towards security threats. The potential return of Trump to the White House in 2025 could bring about the decline of the US defensive commitment towards European security, leaving the EU to address numerous challenges in both eastern and southern neighborhoods.

Therefore, the Mediterranean arms control should be one of the priority topics for the EU in identifying its role in the new global order. In this regard, the Euro-Med Partnership (EMP) needs to be updated in order to address the regional security in the Mediterranean basin and beyond. This paper calls for establishing an arms-control regime in the Mediterranean region. Resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, elimination of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), regulation and reduction of conventional weapons and small arms and light weapons (SALW), combating illicit arms trade in the region, and engagement of all the relevant States are imperative in determining the Mediterranean arms-control structure.

The declination of the terms power and territory in geopolitics necessitates a preliminary discussion on possible future scenarios of global governance. As long as the United States manages to exert its hegemonic power politically, economically, and militarily, the current pattern of institutional relations will remain largely unchanged. However, the increasingly cyclical economic crises and the emergence of other forces on the international stage suggest a crumbling of existing relations and the formation of homogeneous and multipolar coalitions of states.

Likely to weigh on the new world order is the attempt of states to regain direct control of the economy, not so much in terms of managing and administering businesses, but rather in the role of regulating market institutions and securing resources to avoid speculative effects and social, economic, and financial distortions within the framework of new commercial and power arrangements. Europe, for its part, must address its internal issues (common foreign policy, emancipation from US influence) and promote the social and economic emancipation of African states (African Union, migrations).

In the current globalized world context, the space of power is maritime; this will emerge from analyzing the major strategic infrastructures along the coasts and actions for controlling the major international routes, starting from reading the main tensions for controlling and securing maritime traffic in the Indian Ocean, especially along the shores of the Horn of Africa and in the Suez Canal.

Internet connections and the flow of data and communications that travel along the fiber optic cables laid on the seabed represent a strategic dimension for international players. The European Union will not be able to ignore this aspect which, in addition to the obvious technological implications, contains geopolitical problems that should not be underestimated. For these reasons, the European Union will initially prepare a new strategy to strengthen the telecommunications sector and Internet infrastructure, laying the foundations for a new Digital Networks Act, which would help telecommunications operators accelerate technological progress by easing restrictions and attracting more capital.

The European projects dedicated to strengthening submarine connectivity highlight the attention to what are in all respects critical infrastructures, the set of those systems, resources, processes, the destruction, interruption, or even partial and temporary unavailability of which would lead to the weakening of the efficiency and normal functioning of a State or several states, thus becoming sensitive objectives to be monitored and protected in order to guarantee continuity in the provision of essential services and the operation of the plants. This contribution intends to delve deeper into these aspects to try to understand the direction that the European Union intends to take to make the Mediterranean an important basin also for submarine cables, thus promoting greater security for communications and data collection.

Under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the European Union (EU) has developed its active role in peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and international security strengthening operations. The EU’s comprehensive approach to crisis management takes many forms, using both civilian and military resources. Today, according to EU data, around 4,000 women and men are deployed globally in these peace-building and security missions and operations. Since 2003 (first CSDP missions launched), the EU has undertaken more than 40 operations between Europe, Africa, and Asia. Today, 24 CSDP missions and operations are ongoing (13 civilian, 10 military, and 1 civilian and military initiative). Most of these missions are in Africa: Sahel, Somalia (land and naval mission), Mozambique, and the Central African Republic (CAR). A closer look at the historical data confirms that the highest number of EU missions have been conducted in Africa. This figure clarifies the centrality of the African continent for the CSDP, underlining the importance of a thorough investigation of this topic. In the first part of the essay, we will outline the European legal and political framework within which these missions and operations have been established (general purpose, mission typology, planning, financing scheme, and defence implications). Subsequently, Sub-Saharan Africa military and civil missions will be analysed in detail (Mali, Niger, CAR, Somalia and Mozambique), framing them in the EU’s broader political aspirations. Finally, we wrap up CSDP’s impact in Africa, underlining weaknesses, strengths and possible future developments.

This article examines the erosion of European sovereignty due to growing U.S. influence, particularly in military, economic, and strategic spheres. It traces American involvement in shaping the European project from its inception, focusing on NATO’s role as a tool for U.S. power projection and the weakening of European defense autonomy through military dependence on American technology. The article also explores how sanctions on Russia, the energy crisis, and Europe’s alignment with U.S. policies limit its strategic autonomy in the context of rising global powers like the BRICS. The analysis is supported by historical and contemporary data, highlighting the challenges Europe faces in regaining sovereignty in an increasingly multipolar world.

This paper commemorates the next thirtieth anniversary of Samuel P. Huntington’s influential book, “The Clash of Civilizations,” by assessing its contemporary relevance, particularly focusing on Europe and democracy within the global context. Huntington’s thesis argues that post-Cold War geopolitics are primarily shaped by cultural and civilizational identities rather than ideological or economic factors. The study critically examines Huntington’s arguments, which categorize civilizations into distinct entities defined by religion, language, history, and tradition, and explores their enduring influence on international relations and global stability. The analysis evaluates Huntington’s concept of multipolarity, where civilizations compete for influence amidst shifting global power dynamics. Contrasting perspectives from Francis Fukuyama’s “End of History” thesis, which emphasizes the universal spread of liberal democracy, and Henry Kissinger’s realism, which underscores stability through power equilibrium, enrich the analysis. Critiques and alternative interpretations of global order are discussed, with a specific focus on their implications for Europe. The paper examines the challenges to Western dominance and the complexities of European identity amid cultural diversity, migration, nationalism, and integration efforts. Illustrative examples, such as U.S. geopolitical strategies and European responses, demonstrate how civilizational identities continue to shape contemporary global affairs. The analysis explores the impact of globalization on cultural interactions, identities, and civilizational relations, reflecting on technological advancements and economic interdependence in shaping these dynamics. In conclusion, the study underscores the enduring significance of civilizational identities in shaping twenty-first-century geopolitics, with a specific emphasis on their impact on Europe and the trajectory of democracy. It reflects on the evolving nature of international relations amidst cultural diversity and identity politics in a globalized world, speculating on the future relevance of Huntington’s theories in navigating geopolitical shifts and fostering stability in an interconnected and multipolar world.

The proposed work, mostly theoretical in nature, aims to frame the geopolitical problem of Europe in light of the ongoing transition to a multipolar configuration.

The chosen methodological approach is relational. That is, the principle of relationality is posited as preferential: the constitutive features of an entity are defined not in its being a thing in itself but in its being inscribed in a historical-evolutionary fabric of relationships, direct and indirect, with respect to processes and subjects.

Hence, on the merits, a reading of the European geopolitical space (to be understood in a broad sense) is advanced with respect to the imbalances inherent in the transition to a multipolar phase, having as a reference of analysis first of all its two main and inescapable conditions: Atlanticism and EU-matrix Europeanism – denoting the latter as a political-economic evolution implying a certain profile of Europe.

It is to be noted, therefore, the structural scope of an unbalancing process – whose nature, dynamics and depth must be grasped – that affects European arrangements precisely by involving and modifying the characters of the two supposed Atlantic-Europeanist conditions.

This implies having to reconsider both the internal-external nexus on the national and continental levels and the scale dimension of processes and actors involved.

This reasoning calls into question a geopolitical rethinking around the need for a continental axis of powers that is the bearer of a strategic function oriented toward independence and autonomy, calibrated to the phase transition and, in fact, representing the indispensable structure for the establishment of a hypothetical European pole.

This work explores the key aspects of the geopolitics that surround the maritime trade routes across the Red Sea. Specifically, the peculiar features of the strategic choke points of Suez and Bab el Mandeb will be inspected to better comprehend what kind of freights and goods are transported, which regions of the world are linked, and what geopolitical threats might destabilize the fragile balance that the globalization of shipping entails. Globalization plays an extremely shady role in maritime shipping: 80% of global trade is delivered through the sea, while 62% of the total extracted petroleum travels on tankers, thus demonstrating how the global demand deeply depends on maritime shipping. The vital importance of the mentioned choke points is consequently expressed by the increasing numbers and types of events that may disrupt the growing interdependence experienced by global markets. This explains why a deep awareness of the entity of Red Sea flows is required, as it also encompasses the political, social, cultural, and religious balances of the communities spanned across a region through which over 15% of maritime trade passes. The critical security aspects of the MENA region must not be forgotten, as they perfectly show how globalization has set the favorable conditions for the proliferation of movements, conflicts, and tensions that undermine the strategic trade routes that stretch between Suez and Bab el Mandeb. Plus, the new dynamics created by actors deploying new and dangerous geopolitical weapons lay the ground for unseen threats that must be acknowledged. The world keeps deepening its interconnections, and it is undeniable that local issues might create effects that can propagate anywhere at any moment. Both these two characteristics are valid even for maritime trade, underlining the importance of understanding what is at stake when dealing with the Red Sea.

For a long time the Russian Federation has been recognized as one of the leading space powers. However, space activities in Russia are associated exclusively with the activities of the state corporation, and space activities of private companies are usually not considered due to their insignificance. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the legal regime surrounding space activities in Russian legislation. This article considers whether or not norms favorable for entrepreneurial space activity exist in the Russian legal system. The author argues that there is an incorrect perception of the term “commercialization” by Russian legislators. The lack of competitive Russian businessmen in the international and the Russian space markets is considered. The reasons for the failure to understand the necessity of norms aimed at stimulation of competitive commercial space activities are disclosed. The author analyzes two draft laws: «On entrepreneurial activities in the field of research and use of outer space» (1999) and «On Earth remote sensing from outer space» (2021). A comparison with foreign measures of stimulation of space entrepreneurial activities is made. The example of entrepreneurial activities and commercial development in U.S. legislation is given. The author describes the lack of opportunities in Russian legislation for public-private partnership in relation to space technology and its infrastructure. The analysis given in the paper leads to the conclusion that there are no legal institutions stimulating, encouraging and supporting entrepreneurship in the space industry in Russian legislation.

This article examines the circulation of models of constitutional justice models between Europe and Latin America. In particular, it analyzes how European models have influenced the development of constitutional justice in Latin America, exploring the adaptations and challenges faced by different legal systems in the exchange process. Through a comparative approach, the similarities and differences in the constitutional justice systems of Europe and Latin America are identified, highlighting the influence of European models in the configuration of the systems present in Latin America. Key aspects such as judicial independence, the protection of fundamental rights and the interpretation of the Constitution are valued, with emphasis on the adaptations necessary to harmonize European principles with the political and cultural realities of Latin American countries with Roman-French basis. It delves into the peculiarities of the Cuban case, considering its history, its legal system and the specific challenges in the implementation of constitutional justice. The strategies used by Cuba to adapt European models to its context are analyzed, identifying both progress and limitations in promoting an effective constitutional justice system. This study contributes to the understanding of the circulation of international legal models and their implications in the configuration of constitutional justice in diverse contexts such as Cuba.

This study examines the interplay between fiscal policy and space activities through a geopolitical lens, highlighting the dual role of taxation as a tool for revenue generation and a means to achieve strategic geopolitical objectives. It outlines the historical role of taxation in international relations and describes how it can evolve in the context of the growing commercial space sector. The study employs theories from international relations to analyze how states (may) use fiscal measures to foster cooperation, manage competition, and address global challenges such as space debris. By exploring specific case studies of tax incentives in various jurisdictions, this contribution illustrates how fiscal strategies can attract investment in the space economy while also posing potential risks. Ultimately, the research emphasizes the importance of understanding the geopolitical dimensions of taxation in shaping the future of space exploration and commerce.

Following the economic crisis suffered in the early Nineties, India was able to start an economic and political recovery, at the cost of an increase in social inequality. Then, starting from 1996, the country began to aspire to rise to the role of an Asian power. To understand India today, it is important to study the geopolitical attitude of the rulers who have led the New Delhi government since that historical juncture. The success of the controlled nuclear explosions of 1998, the conservative political approach and a national sentiment spread across the Hindu but also non-Hindu population undoubtedly contributed to the elaboration of the regional power geopolitical program. The article examines the elaboration of New Delhi’s geopolitics in three main phases. The first from 1996 to 2004 saw enormous work for the repositioning of the Indian role at the center of the Asiatic balance. The next phase, with the return to power of the Indian National Congress with the character of Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister from 2004 to 2014, was the result, in addition to the continuation of the geopolitics of area power, of the new world balances deriving from the fight against terrorism and found itself confronted with the rise of Chinese power. The third phase, in a chronological order, is finally that of Narendra Modi’s government, from 2014 to the present day, characterized by a convinced return to nationalism and chauvinism, accompanied by the geopolitics of “neighborhood first” (“neighborhood first “). The three phases will be examined through Indian and external sources, also through the lens of cultural tradition, trying to track the peculiarities of Indian philosophy in general (not only considered as religious philosophy) in the elaboration of the theory. Finally, the article tries to summarize the philosophical and religious influences in the process.

This paper aims to deepen the aspects of different nature related to the ways in which the conditions of food security of citizens are guaranteed. All this in order to define, on the basis of an analysis of the contextual phenomena, the possible new development trajectories concerning the functioning of the Italian agri-food system.

The methodology adopted was that of the traditional revision based, however, on specific eligibility criteria identified starting from reflections regarding the characteristics of the research question. In particular, the eligibility criteria adopted concerned the application of keywords referring to both indexed academic articles and contributions from grey literature to ensure greater completeness of sources. The articles selected on this basis were subjected to a critical evaluation that led to a synthesis and interpretation of the qualitative evidence considered to be priorities.

The results obtained highlighted the need to overcome the supranational impact exerted both on food security policies and on commercial policies related to the way in which supplies are made. To do this, it is considered necessary that the legislative interventions analyzed need a further strengthening of the framework in order to give rise to political choices consistent with the changed context conditions.

The European Union (EU) has assumed an increasingly prominent role as a global regulatory power. Its regulations, covering a wide range of sectors such as product safety, environmental protection, competition, and agri-food product protection, influence not only European citizens but also businesses and governments worldwide. With over 450 million inhabitants, the EU’s single market represents a major attraction for global businesses. To access this market, businesses must often comply with European regulations. This “soft power” influences the regulations of other countries and provides leverage to shift economic and political balances. Some examples of how the EU influences global regulations include: The General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR): Adopted in 2016, it is considered the most stringent privacy law in the world. The Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) Directive: It has contributed to reducing electronic waste and promoting recycling in Europe and beyond. The Paris Agreement: The EU was a key architect of the Paris Agreement, a global agreement to combat climate change. The EU is a global leader in energy transition. It has adopted ambitious targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and developing renewable energy sources. The EU’s regulatory power is an important tool for achieving these goals. By effectively utilizing this power, the EU can promote its values and interests and contribute to a more sustainable and equitable global order. By effectively utilizing this power, the EU can promote its values and interests and contribute to a more sustainable and equitable global order. This article analyzes, based on the current scientific literature, the extent to which European regulatory power can actually shift international political balances, with particular reference to the issue of energy transition.

In his 1990 article in *The National Interest*, Edward Luttwak introduces the concept of geoeconomics, outlining a new paradigm where international competition shifts from military battlegrounds to economic arenas. Luttwak argues that with the proliferation of nuclear weapons, war between major powers has become unlikely, leading states to compete economically to maintain and expand their global influence. This approach combines a “logic of conflict” with the “grammar of commerce,” where states use economic tools like protectionism and research funding to consolidate their power. Pascal Lorot, in his 1999 book *Introduction à la Géoéconomie*, further develops the concept, highlighting how the end of the Cold War transformed military capabilities into a secondary factor of state power. Lorot examines how market liberalization and globalization have fostered the rise of multinationals and the adoption of geoeconomic strategies by states to dominate global markets. Lorot distinguishes between geoeconomics and economic warfare, emphasizing the crucial role of states in defining and implementing economic policies at the international level.

The meaning “broadened” has been widely and overused in recent years, especially when associated with the Mediterranean Sea. An idea developed within the Navy, it accompanied the desired national geopolitical expansions combined with production needs. However, an evolution and an upgrade that could prevent conjectures not relevant to reality have been neglected. It is time to review the Mediterranean Sea from a more realistically narrow perspective.

Europe is at war again. The claim that we are witnessing the wars of “others”, that we are not involved and that we want peace is deliberately false. The illusion that the wars underway in Russia, Ukraine, Palestine and the Middle East do not pose any risk to the European countries that fuel them with active participation or indifference is pure hypocrisy. The same migratory phenomena are faced and experienced as a war between the Afro-Asian shores of the Mediterranean and the opposite shores that many still consider the borders of “Europa felix”. In reality, every part of Europe and in particular of the European Union can be “felix” only in a sadly ironic sense, because it no longer has any of the meanings of the Latin term. There is no longer a fortunate, rich, happy, welcome, prosperous, fruitful, sacred European land.

As is now all too evident, the world we will experience will never be the same again. It will not be anchored to classical versions of political and economic relations expressed only by a physical dimension that can be measured and perceived only by the distribution of power factors linked to the quantity of possibilities offered to express hegemonic policies, but by quality. Even though a sort of resistance survives to look at the role of power still on an analogue level, the shift towards digital geopolitical capabilities determines a new declination of the reorganization of the actors who see the opening up of possibilities of protagonism dictated by the quality of participation in global political and economic life where the domination of traditional spatial dimensions become insufficient to guarantee the survival of a geopolitical actor in terms of independence and full sovereignty. In this sense, a condition that cannot arouse surprise if one objectively observes the evolution of technological achievements in the world and the race to surpass the limit reached in quality, ensuring that the geopolitical order, in fact defined by a new instability due to the difference in power, it will find the solution to future conflicts and crises in the control of technological competition in the various possible declinations: Cyber, AI and Quantum Computing. In this new challenge, the perspective of security and defense is not limited only to the cyber world, but opens up new scenarios of competition and guarantee also in the use of Artificial Intelligence; the latter, considered an opportunity to encourage growth policies but also a harbinger of many risks in the now global race towards technological supremacy. The danger that unscrupulous interactions could take place, encouraging the consolidation of algorithmic consciences raises the question of how and to what extent intelligent security strategies can be reliable in the face of complex and multidimensional threats that overlook the future of the political and economic relations of States and the European Union and which will redefine the balance of power in an increasingly “Technopolar” Model.

At the centre of controversy over human rights is the disagreement on the relationship between two sets of human rights – civil and political rights on the one hand, and social and economic rights on the other. In addition, there is a need to consider the variety of civilizations, the transformation processes and the current military conflicts as a part of the global anthropological war. Much of the debate, however, has been undertaken on theoretical and normative levels. Empirical evidence is needed to advance this debate. For instance, drawing data from a multination survey suggest that while social and economic rights have a much broader support base in China than in Western nations, political and civil rights are also important concerns to the Chinese public. In my paper – Comparison of Human Rights Values between the East and the West, delivered in Conference Hall of Austrian Ministry of Justice, Vienna, June 21, 2019, I stated four main facts in regard to the Western concepts of human rights and introduced two arguments. 1) The historical background. 2) The language aspect and the formulations. 3) The fact of non-resolvable contradictions and paradoxes. 4) The non-scientific origins of HR concepts. The two central arguments are: A) Judgments of ECHR as living instrument not formally bound by precedents, trying to establish a legal certainty and foreseeability of rulings by not changing its jurisdiction without compelling reasons. Further the number of reasons of conflict with rights entrenched in other provisions of the Convention and last but not least the ECHR autonomous interpretation, allowing a protection much wider in scope than the protection offered under national law, lead practically to limitations of national sovereignty. B) The current geopolitical and geo-economic environment which could be characterized by the absence of trust, dialog, linear technological development, commonly accepted values and national interests, and the concept of human rights lacking scientific origin make any result of their comparison of only limited and theoretical value (not quantifiable and of quality). In my other paper – Modernization and the Free and Well-rounded Development of Every Person, delivered in Rome last year I argued that a social order and harmony can only be pursued by affirming and protecting people’s interests in security, material goods, social relationships, and fair treatment. On these issues, at least, there is no incompatibility between Confucianism and the general concept of human rights in Europe. But: Instead of claiming rights, Chinese ethical teaching emphasizes the sympathetic attitude of regarding all one’s fellow men as having the same desires, and therefore the same rights, as one would like to enjoy oneself. This contradicts the political propaganda stand of the West, which thinks and promotes the individualism and the position that the government of the People’s Republic of China deprives citizens of their rights on a sweeping scale and systematically curtails freedoms as a way to freedom. This paper written in the shadow of the anthropological war describes a process, which has been developing from the conclusions stated in the two papers previously mentioned, and which have been proven by the time as correct, valid a leading to a trend representing a new challenge and opportunity and defined as-From the human rights to the right to safety life.

The European Union has prepared numerous attempts at organized cooperation for third countries, which have been promoted and implemented with ups and downs, often with the complicity of a community political agenda that is not very cohesive and coherent. The most recent concerns the so-called Global Gateway, defined by the Union itself as a strategy that “aims to create sustainable and reliable connections for people and the planet [and] Contributes to addressing the most urgent global challenges, from the fight against climate change to the improvement of health systems and the strengthening the competitiveness and security of global supply chains”. In this contribution we will offer a brief examination of the Global Gateway starting from its origins and its connections with the EU cooperation framework macro-areas and its current structure by geographical and thematic areas.

In this article we outline the general developments of migration within and towards Europe. We attempted to provide a brief historical overview of the changes in European migration since the 1950s, the historical view and reasons of migration, real political approaches and practices over migration. The analysis covers some positions of various European countries authorities, existing frictions and opposing viewpoints. In this brief review we attempted to depict the “real politic” on migration and possible solutions to strengthen the positive effects of migration and prevent its negative side.

Cultural diplomacy is an independent foreign policy direction of a state or international organization, aimed at developing cooperation in the field of culture, science, sports, work with youth, tourism; and also to protect their own values and cultural codes. However, modern conflicts are becoming increasingly cultural and civilizational in nature, which leads to the hybridization and politicization of culture itself. Information wars, propaganda, the spread of fake news, and cancel culture are becoming the other side of cultural diplomacy: they are aimed not at developing and supporting intercultural dialogue, but at aggressively protecting one’s own cultural codes. At the same time, such methods of international interaction are not accepted and are not taken into account with other cultures. The Russian-Ukrainian and Palestinian-Israeli conflicts have become indisputable confirmation of this. Refusal to participate in cultural and sporting events is unprecedented. All these examples raise questions about the future of EU cultural diplomacy. Analysis of documents showed that such a huge geopolitical space as Russia and the BRICS and SCO countries is almost lost for the EU in the field of culture. Thus, European countries have the practice of bilateral cultural relations with individual BRICS and SCO member countries, but do not have a unified strategy for interaction with this structure. Of course, BRICS is an atypical international institution in its organization, but it has its own vision of promoting culture. At the same time, all participating countries belong to representatives of traditional cultures, some of which do not share the “new” trends of the European agenda. In the current situation, there is a need for a revisionist revision of the existing practices of European cultural diplomacy, which should be based not only on the ideological or political principles of the EU, but also be based on the principles of tolerance and respect for other norms and cultural codes of other civilizations, given that interest in the European cultural heritage is overshadowed by the growing attention to Chinese, Indian, African cultures, while the representatives of these cultures themselves are actively involved in the process of promoting their cultures at the global level.