Carlo Amenta (University of Palermo, Italy.), Paolo Di Betta (University of Palermo, Italy), Calogero “Gery” Ferrara (Prosecutor at the EPPO European Public Prosecutor Office)
ABSTRACT
This article deals with the contrast to the criminal organizations that support the smuggling of illegal immigrants along the Central Mediterranean route. The purpose of the article is to show why and how the knowledge of the business of the criminal organizations that deal with human smuggling is useful to set up the appropriate strategies to contrast them. Management theories provide useful insights for prosecutors and should be adopted as investigative tools; they will prove especially useful when investigative cooperation between different countries is needed to tackle transnational crime. The methodology adopted is based on two case studies, based on the investigative proceedings conducted by the State Police under the direction and coordination of the Public Prosecutor Office in Palermo (Italy), concerning two criminal networks that smuggle migrants in the Central Mediterranean route (“Glauco 1”, “Glauco 2”, “Glauco 3” and “Glauco 4” and “Scorpion fish”).
The results are that the business model canvas, which is a theoretical construct developed by management research, provides insights for prosecutors on the two case-studies and should be adopted as an investigative tool. Preliminary feedback on the ongoing research have been encouraging: the Working Group on fostering international cooperation and investigative strategies in fighting the smuggling of migrants, organized by the European Committee on Crime Problems (CDPC) of the Council of Europe has provided useful comments and remarks on our preliminary research. This article recommends the applications of this toolset and fosters managerial studies towards finding more refined instruments in support to fighting crime.
KEYWORDS: smuggling migrants, investigative international cooperation, business model canvass.
ABSTRACT
This paper deals with Italy’s geopolitical concerns at sea focusing on the current relocation and renovation of maritime supply chains. This process is being driven by three main factors: the necessity to replace China as the prime provider/producer of goods to the West, the urgency to ensure a stable inflow of raw materials to Europe and, finally, the demand for sustainable energy supplies. In the background, the challenges of the new multipolar balance are leading to more competitive interactions, with a thin line separating war and peace. However, the global economic interdependence is still strong enough to determine an ambiguous overlap between cooperation and hostility, both within the physical and immaterial domains such as marine depths, international law and diplomacy. Considering this unique scenario, the introduction defines Italy’s main maritime goals, according to the necessity to maximize the flow of goods and energy by sea, on which our economy depends: the stability of the Mediterranean Sea, the support of free-sea principles, the successful competition with Northern sea-bound economies.
Based on the thought of the 1940s and 1960s eminent admirals, Giuseppe Fioravanzo and Virgilio Spigai, the first section highlights how the Italian Navy might play a strategic role in the process of supply chain relocation from China to ASEAN countries through capacity building, naval security, countering illegal traffic; further implementing the strategic visions of the EU and OTAN. The second section, focusing on future prospects, displays how recent innovations in the field of security and Indo-Pacific partnership might increase the attractive¬ness of the European strategy. The sources mostly consist of scientific research institutes, maritime observers, geopolitical newspapers, na tional and international military guidelines, and books on maritime strategy.KEYWORDS: Supply chain, Indo-Pacific, Mediterranean maritime economy
ABSTRACT
Since the peak of 2015, when the great majority of more than one million migrants travelled along the Eastern Mediterranean route from Turkey to Greece, irregular arrivals in the EU have decreased significantly. Nonetheless, migrants and
asylum seekers have continued to use the Central Mediterranean route to enter the EU on an irregular basis. As well as through other migration routes from the global South, a worrying social awareness has arisen making it difficult to allow for
migrations that, otherwise, an increasingly interdependent and globalized economy requires. The paper aims at discussing the border regime that is emerging along the Central Mediterranean route. In 2003 Italy financed the construction of a camp
for undocumented migrants in Gharyan, near Tripoli. Italy also sponsored the return of migrants from Libya to their putative country of origin. Libya actively supported Italian action. However, the 2011 civil war in Libya and subsequent instability
made it difficult to continue to bargain this “de-territorial” collaboration on migration. The migration crisis in 2014-2015 represented a critical juncture. In June 2015, EUNAVFOR Med launched Operation Sophia. One year before, the European
Union Agency Frontex had launched its southern Mediterranean border-monitoring operation Triton. The two operations can be considered as the prelude to the 2017 Memorandum, when Italy and Libya signed an agreement to strengthen their cooperation
on migration. The paper discusses the geopolitics of this border regime until up the comprehensive partnership between the EU and Tunisia, announced in June 2023, and the most recent agreement with Albania (on 15 November) to build reception camps
in the Balkans.
KEYWORDS: Migrants, Mediterranean, Externalization
ABSTRACT Having taken shape during the Iraq-Iran war of 1980-1988, the Iranian military doctrine is a hybrid model of Western military concepts and ideological principles related to religion, including martyrdom, and
revolutionary theories. The Iranian military doctrine basically consists of four main ideas: opting for asymmetric warfare, the implementation of the missile programme, overlapping internal and external threats and proxy war. The cornerstone of
this hybrid Iranian strategy is undoubtedly the non-state actors network. Over the years, Iran has created and deployed an efficient network of militias to pursue its interests in the region and counter the influence of the US and Israel in the
Middle East. Through its proxies, Iran manages to keep the political price of its international activity low, as it is impossible to directly and unmistakably holding Teheran responsible for the different attacks and operations. This network of
non-state actors includes organisations such as Hizbullāh in Lebanon, the Houthi rebels in Yemen, various Shia militias in Iraq, and Syrian forces loyal to the al-Assad regime, as well as some Palestinian resistance groups. However, the relationship
between Iran and these groups varies considerably: it is not always a direct patron-client affiliation, but rather a flexible partnership of interest. The aim of this paper is therefore to analyse the mainstays of Iranian military doctrine today,
starting from their genesis process during the 1980-1988 war. Then, the four main axes of this military doctrine will then be analysed in detail; finally, a brief analysis will be made of the development of these axes in the decades following
the conflict with Iraq and particularly in the context of the regional challenges of the 21st century. The conclusions of this essay remain open, especially in view of the current situation. The most recent events in the Middle East following
the 7 October 2023 launch of the ‘al-Aqsa Flood’ operation by Hamas against Israel and the start of the Israeli offensive in the Gaza Strip have reaffirmed many of the military doctrine aspects as outlined since the 1980-1988 conflict. However,
especially in the aftermath of Iran’s operation against Israel on 13 April 2024, a change in Iran’s strategic approach might emerge, which might also entail a change in military doctrine. Moreover, this strategic change, represented by the ‘new
equation’ formula, could bring with it a different assessment of the idea of deterrence in the future. KEYWORDS: Iranian Proxy, Military Doctrine, Mediterranean
ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to argue over the economic and social development opportunities offered by the Mediterranean region. In more detail, the goal is to provide useful elements to define an organic and
systemic strategy that might unravel the current Mediterranean dynamics. The paper is basically divided into three sections. The first focuses on the reorganization of the global structures according to the political and economic upheavals characterizing
the last two decades, but also on the importance of infrastructure responsiveness with modern challenges. The second part features the Mediterranean Sea as a geographical and geopolitical pivot undergoing its potential to the capacity of keeping
close the three great terrestrial masses which clearly connects. The last section highlights the role of Italy as a natural bridge centered in the heart of the Mediterranean basin, in the perspective of both an integrated European strategy and
system, to which the ongoing developing infrastructures could make up a significant contribution.KEYWORDS: Italy, infrastructure, Mediterranean thought
ABSTRACT In December 2022, during an official visit to Cyprus, the Indian Minister of External Affairs, S Jaishankar, commented that “The Mediterranean will see more of India in the future.” Later, India’s Prime Minister
Narendra Modi visited Greece in August 2023, being the first Indian PM in 40 years to do so. These visits underlined the civilizational ties that New Delhi shares with the Mediterranean as well as highlighted a reinvigorated focus towards the
geopolitical region. Several high-level diplomatic visits in the past few years illuminate India’s outlook towards the region and the need to bolster ties with the countries. In the 21st century, the shift of geopolitics horizons towards the Indo-Pacific
has been consequential for India to reset the positioning of Mediterranean countries within its strategic calculations. Subsequently, New Delhi aims to intensify its ties with the Mediterranean countries vis-a-vis its Indo-Pacific outlook as well
as in a bid to foster a transoceanic approach to the Mediterranean and Indo-Pacific. The Mediterranean is perceived by New Delhi to provide multifaceted opportunities across various domains including trade and commerce, defence and maritime security,
science and technology, etc. Nonetheless, the geopolitical fault lines and disputes within Mediterranean countries might be potential impediments to India’s strategic interests in the region. Thus, the present paper endeavours to address three
principal objectives. Firstly, to discuss the trajectory of India’s engagement in the Mediterranean from 1947 to the contemporary era. Secondly, it aims to enunciate India’s overarching interests and aspirations in the Mediterranean amidst the
backdrop of prevailing geopolitical transitions. Lastly, to outline opportunities and challenges for New Delhi’s enhanced engagement with the region.KEYWORDS: India-Mediterranean engagement, India’s Foreign Policy,
Indo-Pacific
ABSTRACT Sonatrach Spa is the largest Company in Africa and is most important Algerian State Owned Enterprise. The company was founded in 1963 to guarantee the Maghreb country, at the time a single-party state strongly
unbalanced towards the socialist form of state, control of its natural resources. For long periods of Algerian political history and in particular during the government of Houari Boumedienne and Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Sonatrach Spa was a sort of
state within a state capable of influencing not only the economic strategies but also the politics of the former French possession. In a first part, the article reconstructs the ways in which the company had taken root in Algeria’s decision-making
apparatus, and how it managed to influence political choices. Subsequently, we follow the transformations that occurred in Sonatrach Spa following the movements for democracy (so called «Arab Springs» in 2011 (which did not overturn the power
apparatus of Algiers) and the introduction of the new Constitution in 2016. Finally, we come to define the current weight of the company also through the case study of the agreements with Italy following the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine.
Primary legislative sources (such as the Algerian Constitutions and regulations governing businesses) and academic sources will be used to define the pattern of influence of the industrial conglomerate on politics, academic articles and economic
data obtained from the archive and official publications of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries for economic surveys.KEYWORDS: Algeria, gas, oil, Sonatrach, hydrocarbons, development.
ABSTRACT The paper aims to offer some keywords of Pope Francis’ diplomacy by reading the addresses to the Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Holy See. Starting with the first one – 22 March 2013 – the Pope indicated the
path he intended to follow: «Fighting poverty, both material and spiritual, building peace and constructing bridges». More than ten years later, could we say that His Holiness’ intentions have been achieved? The paper attempts to answer this question
by analyzing the addresses (2013-2024) and proposes some thoughts.KEYWORDS: Pope Francis, Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Holy See, Addresses
ABSTRACT Artificial intelligence (AI) has transformed economies across Central Asia, yet trademark policy gaps hamper growth. This paper investigates features of trademark regulation and their impact on domestic AI enterprises.
A comparative analysis of the laws of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, benchmarked against international IP treaties, demonstrates the importance of striving for legal development. Despite some progress, most countries do not
yet fully address issues like protections for well-known marks and non-traditional trademarks critical for AI. Registration and enforcement mechanisms also lag global standards. These legal uncertainties and hurdles constrain emerging regional
AI leaders seeking to leverage branding. Case studies of leading firms highlight cross-border trademark management challenges. Recommendations include acceding to international treaties, strengthening online brand enforcement, and public-private
collaboration on reforms tailored to AI sector needs. Key findings show substantial upgrades to statutory provisions, registration systems and regional cooperation are urgently required to support the rise of Central Asian AI. This research strives
to fill an important gap in the trademark ecosystem for a vital high-tech growth engine. It provides policymakers and enterprises a roadmap to transform Central Asia into a thriving AI IP center through legal modernization and strategic global
branding.KEYWORDS: Central Asia, artificial intelligence, intellectual property, trademark management
ABSTRACT Gli influencer sono attori influenti in grado di condizionare i processi di acquisto, di consumo e le opinioni dei propri follower. Anche in campo politico-internazionale emergono sempre di più influencer geopolitici,
cioè, personaggi particolarmente influenti su questioni geografiche legate ai conflitti di potere tra Stati. Nonostante la letteratura abbia iniziato ad attribuire agli influencer un importante punto di vista sulle questioni conflittuali tra paesi,
la presenza di geopolitical influencer sui social network non è ancora approfondita e non è stato ancora investigato il loro ruolo pivotale in grado di suscitare l’interesse dei follower ad informarsi di più e partecipare attivamente. L’obiettivo
dell’articolo è quello di verificare il ruolo dei geopolitical influencer e quali forme di comunicazione sono in grado di sollecitare il coinvolgimento dei follower. Attraverso un’analisi del contenuto di un campione di post pubblicati su X da
7 influencer che hanno trattato la questione israelo-palestinese, l’articolo verifica gli approcci alle pubbliche relazioni di Jackson (2012) di tre tipologie di geopolitical influencer: i c.d. “pure geopolitical influencer” e i “supported geopolitical
influencer”, “recommended geopolitical influencer”. L’articolo, inoltre, verifica se tali influencer possono influire sulle opinioni dei follower rispetto agli scenari e alle questioni geopolitiche conflittuali aumentando la propensione all’informazione
e la partecipazione attiva sui social network. I risultati della ricerca contribuiscono alla conoscenza degli influencer nell’ambito della politica internazionale e pongono una riflessione sulla loro rilevanza per la gestione dei conflitti geopolitici.KEYWORDS:
geopolitical influencer; pubbliche relazioni; engagement; social network; geopolitica; conflitto israelo-palestinese
ABSTRACT This text examines a case of immunity under international law and compares it with the possibility of applying Italian criminal law to acts committed abroad by foreign nationals. Depending on the thesis one accepts,
the consequences in terms of the applicability and functions of the penalty for international criminal law may be very different from those arising under domestic law.KEYWORDS: Immunity under international law; fiction
of punishment in war crimes; extraterritoriality of national criminal law
ABSTRACT The geopolitical context of the Mediterranean represents one of the realities in which the exchange of military technologies allows for a precise reconstruction of the strategic axes developed by state actors
located within and outside the quadrant. The transfer of high-tech military technology, as known, corresponds, in the landscape of contemporary international relations, to the creation of inter-state bonds, traditionally of medium or long duration,
significant and of great strategic depth. This article aims to reconstruct the development of the complex intertwining of economic, technological, political, and military factors revolving around the transfers and acquisitions of technologically
advanced weapons, for the period 2010-2022, carried out (as sellers or buyers/ recipients) by the states bordering the Mare Nostrum. To make the connections between the various Mediterranean states (and those between Mediterranean states and countries
outside the Mediterranean) clearer and immediately interpretable, the data is presented in a network format, following the empirical framework of Network Analysis. This enables the simultaneous highlighting, in a single graphical scheme, of all
incoming flows. The article also develops specific focuses on some countries considered particularly relevant and employs a subdivision of various military technologies into categories to allow for a parallel visualization of the exchanges of
various types of armaments.KEYWORDS: Military technologies; Geopolitics; Mediterranean Sea
ABSTRACT This article examines the impact of the Abraham Accords on the system of relations in the Middle East and Mediterranean, and the effects of the U2+I2 Group strategy led by the United States. In September 2020,
Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and later Morocco and Sudan signed the Abraham Accords, which changed the system of relations in the Middle East and initiated a process of future cooperation and economic integration. That followed by
a strategy of diplomatic opening between Saudi Arabia and Iran, with China’s mediation. At the same time, there has been dialogue between Tel Aviv and Riyadh, supported by the United States. These developments have contributed to adding further
elements of novelty to the overall framework of relations in the region. The U2+I2 Group, on the initiative of the United States, promotes cooperation between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and serves as a link to the Indo-Pacific region
that would affect the Mediterranean balance. In conclusion, the article aims to analyze the Abraham Accords, the strategy of the U2+I2 Group led by the United States, in the context of Middle Eastern relations and the equilibria of the Mediterranean
basin, in which Europe and Italy can play a significant role, and India can act as a link to the Indo-Pacific. The analysis also includes the strategies of other relevant geopolitical actors, such as Iran, Russia, China, and Turkey, in the context
of the current conflict between Israel and Hamas.KEYWORDS: Middle East, Mediterranean Sea, Abraham Accords, IMEC, IndiaSOMMARIO L’articolo esamina
l’impatto che gli accordi di Abramo hanno generato nel sistema delle relazioni del Medio Oriente e del Mediterraneo e gli effetti della strategia del Gruppo U2+I2 a guida statunitense. Nel settembre del 2020 Israele, Emirati, Bahrein, a cui si
aggiungono poi il Marocco e il Sudan firmano gli accordi di Abramo che scongelano le relazioni diplomatiche nell’area Medio-Orientale, dando inizio ad un processo per una futura cooperazione e integrazione economica. Successivamente, si avvia
una strategia di apertura diplomatica tra Arabia Saudita e Iran favorita dalla mediazione della Cina. Nello stesso tempo si assiste al dialogo tra Tel Aviv e Riad sostenuto dagli USA. Questi fatti contribuiscono ad aggiungere ulteriori elementi
di novità nel quadro generale delle relazioni della regione. Il gruppo U2+I2 su iniziativa degli USA promuove la cooperazione tra Israele e gli Emirati Arabi ed inserisce l’India nel contesto Medio Orientale creando un corridoio (IMEC) con la
regione dell’Indo-Pacifico che andrebbe ad incidere sugli equilibri del Mediterraneo. In conclusione, l’articolo intende analizzare gli accordi di Abramo, la strategia del gruppo U2+I2 nel quadro delle relazioni medio orientali e degli equilibri
del bacino del Mediterraneo in cui l’Europa e l’Italia possono assumere un ruolo importante e l’India costituire un raccordo con l’Indo-Pacifico. L’analisi comprende le strategie degli altri attori geopolitici rilevanti quali Iran, Russia, Cina,
Turchia alla luce dell’attuale conflitto tra Israele e Hamas.PAROLE CHIAVE: Medio Oriente, Mediterraneo, Accordi di Abramo, Imec, India
SOMMARIO Questo studio esamina le tensioni geopolitiche e geoeconomiche tra Francia e Turchia nel Mediterraneo orientale. Attraverso una disamina storica e contemporanea, l’analisi si concentra sulle dinamiche conflittuali
che caratterizzano la relazione franco-turca, messe in evidenza dalla disputa sul gas naturale, dalla politica estera aggressiva della Turchia e dalle operazioni militari in Libia. Si discute inoltre l’uso della disinformazione e della propaganda,
e l’impiego di strategie geopolitiche da parte di entrambe le nazioni. L’articolo propone una lettura geoeconomica della “guerra economica” per il gas mediterraneo e una lettura geopolitica dell’espansionismo “neo-ottomano” della Turchia, analizzando
le ripercussioni interne ed esterne sulle politiche di entrambi i paesi.PAROLE CHIAVE: Geopolitica mediterranea, guerra economica, espansionismo neo-ottomanoABSTRACT
This study delves into the geopolitical and geoeconomic tensions between France and Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean. Through both historical and contemporary examination, it focuses on the conflicting dynamics that define the Franco-Turkish
relationship, highlighted by the dispute over natural gas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy, and military operations in Libya. It also discusses the use of disinformation and propaganda, and the employment of geopolitical strategies by both nations.
The article proposes a geoeconomic reading of the “economic war” for Mediterranean gas and a geopolitical reading of Turkey’s “neo-Ottoman” expansionism, analyzing the internal and external repercussions on the policies of both countries.KEYWORDS:
Mediterranean Geopolitics, Economic Warfare, Neo-Ottoman Expansionism
ABSTRACT A unique and attractive quality of classical geopolitics, one flavoring it with a strong dynamic and expansive research perspective (Kelly 2024), comes in its almost sole reliance upon multiple spatial concepts
and theories used for giving insights into international events. No other foreignaffairs model holds this type of conceptual nature. Instead, others place emphasis upon policies and actions attuned to leaders’ decision making, areas not normally
touched by geopolitics. The realist model exhibits just several theories but rather suggests ways for stabilizing upheaval. Constructivism and critical geopolitics both reject any theorizing due to an alleged absence of “reality” and they urge
emancipation for suffering peoples. To advance this approach of being reliant upon theory and not upon policy, the author located in his recently published book (Kelly 2016, 83-135) over sixty premises, some of which should lend a good benefit
to our examination into the Mediterranean world as a strategic rimland. They reveal, unfortunately, a territory vulnerable to local and unresolved strife, and thus, to an area now exposed to potential outside Great Power interventions that would
be characteristic of dangerous shatterbelts imposing increased levels of violence upon countries and subregions. Accordingly, the primary conclusion of this article follows the narrative just expressed, of enlisting a methodology of “shatterbelts,”
a geopolitical premise of two conflict levels, the local linked with outside allies, to draw a conceptual portrait of the several local Mediterranean rivalries escalating in their violence and these joined presently or possibly by outside actors
introducing global tensions into the region. As utilized in this essay, such theories should be useful for enhancing a deeper and wider understanding of international events. Later actions and policies of decision makers would be broadened with
the use of such maps drawn from these geopolitical concepts. Said once more, geopolitics itself does not engage directly in policy making and its attached actions. Rather, it provides a backdrop for other models to utilize for their recommended
initiatives and strategies. That path is utilized for this essay. Reflecting these conceptual descriptions, again, that come with classical geopolitics, in Part One below the author will define the relevant premises he believes will assist the
reader toward gaining a greater perspective into the geopolitical dimensions of the Mediterranean region. That interpretation will be accomplished in Part Two with an outline of several geopolitical descriptions of a potential increase in chaos
and strife the author predicts as possible for the Mediterranean rimland. A final section of likely outcomes will conclude this article.KEYWORDS: Heartland, Rimland, Shatterbelt
SOMMARIO La Turchia è un Paese transcontinentale dal passato imperiale. Cultura e storia rivestono un’importanza capitale accompagnate da un’economia complessa ed in anossia in un Paese dove il realismo, malgrado tutto,
non può sposarsi con istanze fideistico-politiche.KEYWORDS: Profondità Strategica, Mavi Vatan, Economia
ABSTRACT New winds of war now seem to be blowing from any direction of a quadrant that places the Mediterranean Sea at the center of its geographical destiny. That of being a sea between culture, economy, power interests
and never-suppressed resentments that develop their dangerous threat in a reality of fragile balance in an area that has made strategic convergence its distinctive feature for centuries. The Mediterranean as a geopolitical region has represented,
and still represents, an unstable region whose reasons can be traced back, synthetically, to a structural imbalance characterized by the effect of the historical consequences that occurred on pre-existing political subjects and not after the Second
World War. Determined by the cultural and religious heterogeneity of the social groups present, as well as by the differentiation in terms of economic possibilities and quality of life that marginalize the poorer classes, the region proved to
be particularly relevant as a leading area of counter-trend values. The new continental crises, the resumption of the confrontation between a neo-Zionist vision of Jewish nationalism and the survival of the reasons of the Palestinian people restore
centrality to a region which sees, once again, reasons for crisis developing along fault lines which have not yet been resolved despite negotiating efforts remained on the edges of history.KEYWORDS: Al Aqsa Storm,
Community of Destiny, European Union, Gaza, Hamas, Israel, Mediterranean region
ABSTRACT The rise in the prices of basic needs and the cost of living in general in Zambia, has led the lower class to look for other means to sustain themselves. This has mostly resulted in heavy reliance on the environment,
such as the cutting and burning of trees for charcoal or woodfuel. All this has been due to the openly perceived extreme dominance of finance over politics intended as the pursuit for a common good. Due to the economic ideology in place, government
as well as private sector businesses seem to prioritise the maximization of profits over the adherence to the core value of development. As such, this paper suggests a return to, and right implementation of Kaunda’s philosophy of Humanism, enlightened
by the Laudato Si, as an ideology capable of guaranteeing development as well as safeguarding the environment from possible degradation. There is need to employ and ideology that will educate men and women to a Responsibility of care for the common
home.KEYWORDS: Ecological Conversion, Zambian Philosophy of Humanism, Laudato Si, Political Economy of the environment, Politics, Finance.
ABSTRACT This first portion of the 21st century will most likely be remembered as the era of supranational infrastructure. There are numerous projects that have been launched in recent decades with the aim of connecting
entire continental masses. Words are not always followed by actions, and in general a propaganda tone is inseparable from this type of planning. We should not be surprised: these are large-scale projects and therefore the role of political power
in their implementation adds to and often replaces economic power. Nonetheless, the mere fact that similar plans are developed, proposed and considered the banner of entire political cycles entails a substantial change of model in the scale of
the relationship between power and infrastructure; just think of the importance given by Xi Jinping to the Belt and Road Initiative for China. In this new geopolitical phase, the growth of supranational infrastructure is a symptom of the crisis
of the state model from a transport point of view. Infrastructures are no longer a merely national matter, the responsibility of the state, but they change scale, they serve larger and more complex interests.KEYWORDS:
New Geopolitical Phase, Change of Model, Supranational Infrastructure
ABSTRACT Contemporary China has successfully embarked on a path of modernization. Chinese path to modernization follows the universal laws of human modernization while drawing on and absorbing the experiences and lessons
of modernization from other countries. It is also rooted in China’s historical and cultural traditions, social development, and the practical needs of its people, thus displaying distinct Chinese characteristics. Chinese modernization breaks away
from the misconception that modernization equals Westernization and expands the choices for developing countries on their path to modernization. Given that the process of global modernization originated in Europe, how does Europe perceive the
Chinese path to modernization? How does it view the Chinese characteristics in China’s modernization process? How does it see the impact of China’s rise on Europe and the world? These are inevitable questions in further developing the China-Europe
relationship in the future. Italian scholar Fabio Massimo Parenti fully recognizes the significance of the Chinese path to modernization in the new era and globally from the perspective of comparative politics and international relations. He believes
that while the Chinese path to modernization faces numerous challenges, its prospects are promising.KEYWORDS: The Chinese path to modernization; China-Europe relations; mutual learning; common prosperity